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At Arm's Length

Military Technology Cooperation Within The Russia-Iran Partnership

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This story was produced by students from Stony Brook University in May, 2026.

A Disillusioned Partner

Following the June 2025 ceasefire in the Twelve-Day War, as a coordinated Israeli bombing campaign crippled Iranian nuclear facilities and energy installations while killing numerous political officials, Iran and its leadership could not mask their disappointment with Russia.

The two nations developed a partnership grounded in arms exchanges, joint opposition to Western sanctions, and shared adversaries. But after supplying thousands of missiles and over 300,000 artillery shells to Russia throughout the war in Ukraine, Tehran merely received private phone calls and a swift statement of condemnation by Moscow’s foreign ministry. 

In the months following the conflict, Iran’s leadership aired its frustrations openly. In a television broadcast cited by The Atlantic, President Masoud Pezeshkian said, “Some countries that are considered our friends did not help us during the days of war.” 

Russia’s hesitance to reciprocate previous cooperation and comments from Iranian officials raise questions about the asymmetry of the partnership, given that Iran has continued and deepened its cooperation with Russia since the Twelve-Day War. With both nations entangled in conflicts that hold lasting global repercussions, assessing their relationship under wartime pressure highlights their attempts to challenge the existing global hierarchy. 

Smoke rises after a reported Israeli strike on a building used by Islamic Republic of Iran News Network, part of Iran’s state TV broadcaster, on June 16, 2025, in Tehran. | Stringer via Getty Images

Smoke rises after a reported Israeli strike on a building used by Islamic Republic of Iran News Network, part of Iran’s state TV broadcaster, on June 16, 2025, in Tehran. | Stringer via Getty Images

Russia and Iran in Context

Some experts situate Russia and Iran within an “Axis of Upheaval,” a group that includes China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea and is also known by the acronym “CRINK.”  

“These are four countries that are united in their discontent with the United States, who are united in their desire to weaken U.S. power and global influence, and who really want to overturn the U.S.-led order,” said Dr. Andrea Kendall-Taylor, senior fellow and director of the Transatlantic Security Program at the Center for a New American Security. 

Other experts like Phyllis Bennis, director of the New Internationalism Project at the Institute for Policy Studies, believe that CRINK as an ideologically aligned association does not exist. 

“We can talk about their relationships with each other on a bilateral basis, but the notion of one big happy or not-so-happy CRINK, I think, is a distraction from the real world,” Bennis said. 

Chinese President Xi Jinping, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, and Russian President Vladimir Putin arrive for a reception in Beijing following a military parade marking the 80th anniversary of victory over Japan and the end of World War II, on September 3, 2025. | Sergey Bobylev/RIA Novosti/Anadolu via Getty Images

Chinese President Xi Jinping, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, and Russian President Vladimir Putin arrive for a reception in Beijing following a military parade marking the 80th anniversary of victory over Japan and the end of World War II, on September 3, 2025. | Sergey Bobylev/RIA Novosti/Anadolu via Getty Images

Still others contend that the relationships between these countries are largely a series of bilateral relationships. 

“This is a transactional relationship. It's not a unified bloc. And we can see that each country is pursuing its own national interests when it comes to this relationship,” said Dr. Kelly Grieco, senior fellow with the Reimagining U.S. Grand Strategy Program at the Stimson Center. 

Although these countries may support each other strategically, economically, or militarily, conflicting priorities may still exist among the CRINK nations. 

Unequal Ties

In the case of Russia and Iran, substantial differences exist between the two nations that may influence their partnership, particularly their respective spheres of influence and economic dependence on other countries. The differences also highlight the imbalance in their relationship. Depicting their asymmetric partnership emphasizes their shared goal, but they approach it differently due to different constraints. Russia’s larger economy curates greater military spending and geopolitical influence. 

Their economic disparity highlights a significant difference in geopolitical power, with Russia holding a clear advantage. Russia’s larger economy allows it to sustain its military capability through greater financial resources, whereas Iran’s limited economy struggles to keep pace. 

According to the International Monetary Fund, Russia’s GDP as of April 2026 is $2.66 trillion, with a 1.1% growth rate and a $533 increase in per capita GDP from 2025 ($17,972). Iran’s GDP is a little over $300 million, with a -6.1% growth rate and a decrease in per capita GDP of $849 from 2025 ($4,264). Russia's economy is significantly larger and more stable than Iran's, and living standards are rising. In contrast, Iran's economy is shrinking, and its citizens are experiencing a decline in wealth. 

Their military power is also distinct— The military gap between Russia and Iran is substantial. In 2025, Russia spent approximately $190 billion on defense, whereas Iran spent $7.4 billion. Russia’s navy has powerful nuclear submarines and a strong air force, areas where Iran is lacking. 

A critical difference is that Russia has nuclear weapons, whereas Iran does not. Russia is estimated to possess 5,240 nuclear warheads, encompassing both active stockpiles and retired warheads, ranking first over the United States and China. Russia’s stockpile of thousands of nuclear weapons establishes it a leading global military superpower. 

Dr. Kenneth Pollack, vice president for policy at the Middle East Institute, notes that this is a distinction Russia would like to maintain. “The more countries that have it [nuclear weapons], the less that they can claim to being separate, different, more powerful because of their possession of nuclear weapons,” Pollack said. 

Russian President Vladimir Putin and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian sit with their delegations during a meeting on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Summit in Tianjin, China on September 1, 2025. | Alexander KAZAKOV / POOL / AFP via Getty Images

Russian President Vladimir Putin and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian sit with their delegations during a meeting on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Summit in Tianjin, China on September 1, 2025. | Alexander KAZAKOV / POOL / AFP via Getty Images

Russia also has greater geopolitical weight on the international stage. It is a permanent member of the U.S. Security Council and, therefore, has veto power. Its veto power allows it to block key resolutions and significantly influence international decisions. Iran, on the other hand, is not a permanent member

While a member of the United Nations, Iran can participate in UN Security Council discussions only when the Council decides that its interests are affected, and it does so without a vote. 

Russia and Iran’s votes in UN General Assembly resolutions over the years have largely been aligned. This doesn’t imply equal standing. While they frequently support each other internationally, Russia wields greater influence in global affairs due to its larger military, permanent seat on the UN Security Council, larger economy, and nuclear arsenal. 

However, their ongoing diplomatic efforts suggest a growing strategic partnership that withstands Western sanctions and criticisms directed at either nation.

This cooperation extends beyond diplomatic alignment. Although Russia is a major power with its own prerogatives, it has still made attempts to support Iran in previous conflicts. 

Russia and Iran’s Military Cooperation

Russia and Iran’s modern military cooperation dates back to the Syrian Civil War in 2015. After a series of high-level meetings between the two countries in which they created a coordinated strategy to support the Assad regime. The visit sparked dialogue between Moscow and Tehran and led to a bilateral agreement on military-technical cooperation. 

It was the first time in 15 years that a Russian defense minister made an official visit to Iran. In that same month, Russia launched its first airstrikes in Syria. Five months later, Moscow and Tehran coordinated covert military operations in Syria, leading to a growing presence of Russian military hardware and personnel on the ground. 

In September of that year, Moscow announced the Baghdad Information Center, a joint operation involving Russia, Iran, Iraq, and Syria. According to a military-diplomatic source in Moscow, it was established to coordinate intelligence efforts against the Islamic State and oversee operations near the Syrian-Iraqi border. 

The next significant moment of cooperation was following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. 

Russia and Iran’s military partnership is still actively unfolding. Reuters reported in February 2026 that Iran and Russia had agreed to a secret arms deal worth $589 million, involving the procurement of thousands of shoulder-fired missiles from Russia. Russia committed to delivering man-portable “Verba” launch units and 2,500 “9M336” missiles over three years. Only a month earlier, evidence emerged showing Iran possessed six Russian Mi-28 attack helicopters (ordered back in 2023). 

Russia has provided helicopters to Iran, yet there’s still hesitancy with providing more advanced weapons from their arsenal. 

“The Russians have provided some kinds of military technology—helicopters, for example, to the Iranians, some aircraft equipment—but they haven't provided some of the most advanced surface-to-air missiles that they have in their arsenal, which suggests that there is some reticence there about providing that kind of technology,” Grieco said. 

The Ukraine War:
Extending Arms

A blurry photo of the ocean and trees | Photo by Brian McMahon` on Unsplash A blurry photo of the ocean and trees | Photo by Brian McMahon` on Unsplash

Russia and Iran’s relationship changed significantly during the Ukraine War. 

Iran’s primary support to Russia has been through the sharing of Shahed drones. In Aug. 2022, 6 months after the start of the war, Russia received its first shipment of combat drones from Iran. Russia relied on them to replenish its rapidly declining supply of air and sea-launched cruise missiles which depended on a shrinking stock of imported electric components. Due to Western sanctions, those electronic parts became harder to obtain, resulting in Russia’s reliance on the Shahed drones as they are much cheaper and easier to manufacture. 

Iran’s drone technology gave Tehran an opportunity to prove its value to Russia. Kendall-Taylor said, “When Russia invaded Ukraine, Iran saw an opportunity to increase its leverage in that partnership. They became a much more valuable partner to Russia. And so the provision of drones was a way to prove the value of that relationship.” 

Iran’s support through drone technology has ultimately strengthened Russia’s military capabilities while also deepening their strategic partnership. 

Russia’s economic, diplomatic, and military power seemingly made it the unquestionable senior partner in the relationship. “But after Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022 and became highly dependent on drones to fight its war, there, we saw a dramatic reversal, something that I think many people believe they would never see in their lifetime, which is that Iran went from being a purchaser of Russian military equipment to Russia, becoming a purchaser of Iranian military equipment, specifically in the realm of drones,” Pollack said. 

The Shahed drones had a pivotal role in striking Ukrainian civilians and military targets. Russia and Eurasia defense and security issues expert Dara Massicot explains that the drones are inflicting serious damage on Ukraine's critical infrastructure, essential systems and facilities that are necessary for the country to function, while placing strain on their defenses. 

While the drones provided Russia with an immediate military advantage on the battlefield, their significance strengthened their relationship. Iran’s support became valuable because it advanced Russia’s larger strategic objective in sustaining its war effort in Ukraine. 

Russia: Eye on the Prize

A blurry photo of the ocean and trees | Photo by Brian McMahon` on Unsplash A blurry photo of the ocean and trees | Photo by Brian McMahon` on Unsplash

Russia originally envisioned the war in Ukraine to be a 10-day-long blitzkrieg. However, as the full-scale invasion prolonged into a multi-year war, Russia has recalibrated its political and strategic priorities. 

Russia’s strategic documents are cautious in their language, never explicitly acknowledging that the war in Ukraine takes utmost precedence. However, much can be inferred based on their actions. 

For instance, Russia’s aggressive prioritization of the war in Ukraine can be substantiated through its sweeping economic mobilization. When Russia launched its invasion of Ukraine in 2022, military expenditures accounted for roughly 12.9% of its government spending. Three years later, that figure has surged to 19.8%, ​​outpacing the defense expenditures of its partners China and Iran. 

Collateral damage is another relevant factor. In a piece published by the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Russian forces have suffered nearly 1.2 million casualties since February 2022, exceeding any major power in any conflict since World War II. That Moscow has sustained this conflict—despite rapidly depleting its forces and equipment—is a strong indicator of how central the war in Ukraine has become to its national agenda. 

President Vladimir Putin has long endorsed this stance, most notably declaring in his 2005 State of the Nation address that the collapse of the Soviet Union was “the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the century.” 

He reiterates this viewpoint in a 2021 essay published on the Kremlin’s website, asserting that Russians and Ukrainians “were one people,” and how the separation that has widened between them over the decades is “our great common misfortune and tragedy.” 

Taken together, these statements offer insight into Putin’s hierarchy of priorities and personal investment in reversing what he frames as a profound national setback. This sentiment has only intensified since the war in Iran began. 

Iran's Role in Russia's Military Strategy

When Iran stepped in to bolster a depleted Russia’s battlefield capabilities, it encouraged Moscow to double down on its full-scale invasion. Within years of receiving blueprints for Iran’s Shahed drones, Russia had developed its own manufacturing infrastructure, building self-sufficient factories to produce drones at an accelerated rate. 

According to a CNN report drawing on political analysts and intelligence officials, an estimated 90% of Iranian-designed drones used in Russia’s military operations are now manufactured domestically within Russia. What was once an exclusively Iranian-sourced product has now proliferated to Russia and even North Korea. 

“They’ve essentially severed that dependency on Iran,” Grieco said, “and they did that very quickly, which I think is telling of something about the nature of the relationship.” 

Russia has also modified the Shahed drones based on its battlefield experience

However, a year later, when Tehran found itself in conflict with the United States, Russia completely reversed its stance during the Twelve-Day War. Iran was backed into a corner after a joint American-Israeli military attack inflicted widespread damage on its military and defense infrastructure. When Tehran retaliated by closing the Strait of Hormuz, Russia backed Iran with its upgraded, unjammable drones and imagery from spy satellites

Nevertheless, while Moscow appears to be reciprocating Tehran’s support at a critical juncture—after largely remaining passive throughout the Twelve-Day War—it’s plausible to assume that Russia’s engagement is driven by its own transactional self-interest, as its eyes are keenly set on Ukraine. 

To preface, it’s important to recognize that Putin neither engineered the war in Iran nor intervened with Tehran to close the Strait of Hormuz, which forestalls commercial shipping at the world’s most important oil transit chokepoint. Still, the conflict has had positive ramifications for Russia’s military and economic standing. 

For one, it redirects U.S. military attention away from the war in Ukraine. Grieco emphasizes the significance of this, as it further exhausts American resources and capabilities. 

“The more that [America is] using Patriot interceptors up in the Middle East to defend U.S. forces and Gulf partners, fewer [interceptors] are going to be available for us to actually provide to Ukraine,” she said. 

Furthermore, the closure of the Strait of Hormuz further compounds pre-existing resource shortages. As European energy supplies tighten, it threatens the resources and capabilities of countries that have pledged their support for Ukraine throughout the war. 

Russia, meanwhile, can capitalize on surging petroleum prices, its primary export, and use that revenue to recuperate and rebuild its currently battered military. In an interview with CNBC, Sergey Vakulenko, senior fellow at the Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center, noted that Russia’s crude oil profits have postponed planned cuts to state spending. 

Taking this into account, it wouldn’t be a stretch to presume that Russia would welcome a prolonged conflict, potentially capitalizing on Tehran’s increasing dependence on Moscow. 

“There’s no question the Russians are benefiting from this war,” Pollack said. “I think if it were up to them, they’d love to see this war go on as long as possible.” 

Up in the Air

Future military cooperation between Russia and Iran could involve a direct attempt to address Iran’s frustration over a lack of reciprocity. The transfer of military technology back to Iran alleviates some frustration, but overall, Russia’s objectives are the ones being advanced through this exchange. 

Though Russia did not apparently have a direct role in causing Iran’s conflict in the Middle East and its closure of the Strait. These events are an unexpected and supplementary advantage that Russia might wish to see persist. The diversion of U.S. attention and resources from Ukraine provides an indirect benefit to Russia. 

Iran’s reliance on Russian military assistance positions Russia as a crucial supporter, while enabling it to capitalize on regional instability. “From Iran’s point of view, what I would stress is that a lot of its future actions are going to be driven by weakness. It is a country that has had to destroy its economy. Its military was never strong and is now much weaker,” said Byman. 

An extended conflict in Iran would only continue to benefit Russia’s objective in Ukraine. Iran would act as an agent of chaos, deterring the United States’ attention and resources away from Ukraine. Should Russia pursue this advantage, it could lean harder on its disdain for Western dominance. The greater implication lies in the realization that this asymmetric relationship can shift the balance on the international scale, exercising a greater geopolitical influence that could lend itself to proving Russia’s capability as a greater threat. 

Authors

Aisha Sulemana
Audio Team

Aisha Nasara Sulemana is a graduate journalism student at Stony Brook University. She has experience in multimedia storytelling, with a focus on health, community outreach, and solutions-based reporting. She has worked on projects covering social issues, including healthcare access and community support systems. Her capstone documentary explores the experiences of breast cancer patients and the role of language, identity, and support in the healing process. Her interests include health communication, documentary storytelling, and reporting on underserved communities.

Amen Ruth Galinato
Data Team

Amen is a junior double majoring in Journalism and Political Science with a concentration in International Relations at Stony Brook University. She is currently the Managing Editor at her school newspaper The Statesman, a Community Engagement Intern at ABC 7 NY and a Student Assistant at The Simons Center for Geometry and Physics. She strives to represent underrepresented communities and spotlight unique perspectives in her storytelling. When she’s not writing or editing, she can be found reading a novel or watching an A24 film. Amen was raised in Upstate NY and hopes to become an investigative journalist, foreign correspondent, professor and author one day.

Amir Browne
Story Team

Amir Browne is a pursuing a bachelor's degree in Journalism with a minor in English at Stony Brook University. Since his sophomore year, he has enrolled in a class called Working Newsroom, where he has both pitched and written stories for numerous local newspapers on Long Island. He has also transformed classroom stories into clips shared on his Substack. His interests span print and digital journalism as well as English education, aiming to make an impact in either field.

Amit Ben-Bassat headshot
Amit Ben-Bassat
Video Team

Amit Ben-Bassat is pursuing a bachelor's degree in journalism with a minor in history and filmmaking at Stony Brook University. He has published numerous articles under both student-led and local news outlets, covering various topics ranging from local news to social trends. He specializes in multimedia journalism, creating news packages and leading shows for a university-based news broadcast, as well as having a portfolio of video productions under a film production organization.

Anjolique Powell
Audio Team

Anjolique Powell is pursuing a bachelor's degree in journalism and a minor in filmmaking at Stony Brook University. She is a consumer unit intern for NBC News Better Get Baquero team and is the Audience Engagement Editor for the paper, The Statesman. She has published articles and packages ranging from local news to scientific events. Her interests range from broadcast journalism to digital storytelling.

Brian Chen headshot
Brian Chen
Data Team

Brian Chen is a third year student pursuing a bachelor's degree in political science at Stony Brook University. He's been a part of The Stony Brook Press since his freshman year, of which he is now the business manager. He's also the co-founder and editor-in-chief of the Undergraduate Law Review at SBU. When he's not in class, Brian is tutoring at the Writing Center and interning at the NYC Mayor's Press Office. Besides journalism, he's also interested in education, photography, and the law.

Jasmina Pepic
Video Team

Jasmina Pepic is pursuing a bachelor’s degree with a focus on Journalism and Sustainability Studies at Stony Brook University. Her academic work includes writing on topics such as hip-hop, media law, and speech. She has published articles on music news and politics. Her interests center on storytelling, social issues, and the intersection of media and everyday life, particularly within local communities like Long Island.

Joshua Lee
Story Team

Joshua Lee is pursuing a bachelor’s degree in journalism and a minor in film and screen studies at Stony Brook University. He is also a staff writer at the school’s student newspaper, The Statesman, where he has covered campus news, sports, and film for three years.He serves as one of the paper’s chief film critics. His passions range from cinema, basketball, alternative rock, and American politics.

Layla Duran
Story Team

Layla Duran is a third year student studying journalism with a concentration in diversity and American society at Stony Brook University. She has done freelance writing for 3 news publications in a class “Working Newsroom” where her articles were published in their newspaper. She also has studio experience, working the cameras, teleprompter, producing, anchoring, floor directing, and more. Duran have a vast interests in locals news and hopes to develop better skills and habits to produce the best work possible.

Nadia Islam
Video Team

Nadia Islam is pursuing a Bachelor's degree in Journalism with a concentration in Global issues and is a future MBA student at Stony Brook University. She has had the privilege of having hands-on experiences in diverse platforms of Journalism, from long-form reporting to crime blots to anchoring. Something that has struck her through her education is exposés, photos, and profile journalism. She has published a story on homophobia in the muslim community, how activism is what makes us human, and the secrets of underwater sea cables. She calls herself a visionary, having the skills to visionize and switch mundane stories and photos to something with purpose, and she hopes to continue to do that in her journalism career.

Photo Credits

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Special Thanks:

  • The Stavros Niarchos Foundation (SNF)
  • Professor Pablo Calvi, Stony Brook University
  • CSIS Warfare, Irregular Threats, and Terrorism Program: Daniel Byman, Alexander Palmer
  • CSIS Andreas C. Dracopolous iDeas Lab team mentors/staff:
    Story: Gina Kim
    Video: Michael Kohler
    Audio: David Lotfi
    Data: Jaehyun Han with Shannon Yeung
    Editorial: Marla Hiller
  • CSIS Executive Education staff: Julieze Benjamin & Halie Tolba
  • CSIS Executive Education management: Nina Tarr