CSIS Journalism Bootcamp:
Student Perspectives
At Arm's Length
Military Technology Cooperation Within The Russia-Iran Partnership
This story was produced by students from Stony Brook University in May, 2026.
A Disillusioned Partner
Following the June 2025 ceasefire in the Twelve-Day War, as a coordinated Israeli bombing campaign crippled Iranian nuclear facilities and energy installations while killing numerous political officials, Iran and its leadership could not mask their disappointment with Russia.
The two nations developed a partnership grounded in arms exchanges, joint opposition to Western sanctions, and shared adversaries. But after supplying thousands of missiles and over 300,000 artillery shells to Russia throughout the war in Ukraine, Tehran merely received private phone calls and a swift statement of condemnation by Moscow’s foreign ministry.
In the months following the conflict, Iran’s leadership aired its frustrations openly. In a television broadcast cited by The Atlantic, President Masoud Pezeshkian said, “Some countries that are considered our friends did not help us during the days of war.”
Russia’s hesitance to reciprocate previous cooperation and comments from Iranian officials raise questions about the asymmetry of the partnership, given that Iran has continued and deepened its cooperation with Russia since the Twelve-Day War. With both nations entangled in conflicts that hold lasting global repercussions, assessing their relationship under wartime pressure highlights their attempts to challenge the existing global hierarchy.
Smoke rises after a reported Israeli strike on a building used by Islamic Republic of Iran News Network, part of Iran’s state TV broadcaster, on June 16, 2025, in Tehran. | Stringer via Getty Images
Smoke rises after a reported Israeli strike on a building used by Islamic Republic of Iran News Network, part of Iran’s state TV broadcaster, on June 16, 2025, in Tehran. | Stringer via Getty Images
Russia and Iran in Context
Some experts situate Russia and Iran within an “Axis of Upheaval,” a group that includes China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea and is also known by the acronym “CRINK.”
“These are four countries that are united in their discontent with the United States, who are united in their desire to weaken U.S. power and global influence, and who really want to overturn the U.S.-led order,” said Dr. Andrea Kendall-Taylor, senior fellow and director of the Transatlantic Security Program at the Center for a New American Security.
Other experts like Phyllis Bennis, director of the New Internationalism Project at the Institute for Policy Studies, believe that CRINK as an ideologically aligned association does not exist.
“We can talk about their relationships with each other on a bilateral basis, but the notion of one big happy or not-so-happy CRINK, I think, is a distraction from the real world,” Bennis said.
Chinese President Xi Jinping, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, and Russian President Vladimir Putin arrive for a reception in Beijing following a military parade marking the 80th anniversary of victory over Japan and the end of World War II, on September 3, 2025. | Sergey Bobylev/RIA Novosti/Anadolu via Getty Images
Chinese President Xi Jinping, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, and Russian President Vladimir Putin arrive for a reception in Beijing following a military parade marking the 80th anniversary of victory over Japan and the end of World War II, on September 3, 2025. | Sergey Bobylev/RIA Novosti/Anadolu via Getty Images
Still others contend that the relationships between these countries are largely a series of bilateral relationships.
“This is a transactional relationship. It's not a unified bloc. And we can see that each country is pursuing its own national interests when it comes to this relationship,” said Dr. Kelly Grieco, senior fellow with the Reimagining U.S. Grand Strategy Program at the Stimson Center.
Although these countries may support each other strategically, economically, or militarily, conflicting priorities may still exist among the CRINK nations.
Unequal Ties
In the case of Russia and Iran, substantial differences exist between the two nations that may influence their partnership, particularly their respective spheres of influence and economic dependence on other countries. The differences also highlight the imbalance in their relationship. Depicting their asymmetric partnership emphasizes their shared goal, but they approach it differently due to different constraints. Russia’s larger economy curates greater military spending and geopolitical influence.
Their economic disparity highlights a significant difference in geopolitical power, with Russia holding a clear advantage. Russia’s larger economy allows it to sustain its military capability through greater financial resources, whereas Iran’s limited economy struggles to keep pace.
According to the International Monetary Fund, Russia’s GDP as of April 2026 is $2.66 trillion, with a 1.1% growth rate and a $533 increase in per capita GDP from 2025 ($17,972). Iran’s GDP is a little over $300 million, with a -6.1% growth rate and a decrease in per capita GDP of $849 from 2025 ($4,264). Russia's economy is significantly larger and more stable than Iran's, and living standards are rising. In contrast, Iran's economy is shrinking, and its citizens are experiencing a decline in wealth.
Their military power is also distinct— The military gap between Russia and Iran is substantial. In 2025, Russia spent approximately $190 billion on defense, whereas Iran spent $7.4 billion. Russia’s navy has powerful nuclear submarines and a strong air force, areas where Iran is lacking.
A critical difference is that Russia has nuclear weapons, whereas Iran does not. Russia is estimated to possess 5,240 nuclear warheads, encompassing both active stockpiles and retired warheads, ranking first over the United States and China. Russia’s stockpile of thousands of nuclear weapons establishes it a leading global military superpower.
Dr. Kenneth Pollack, vice president for policy at the Middle East Institute, notes that this is a distinction Russia would like to maintain. “The more countries that have it [nuclear weapons], the less that they can claim to being separate, different, more powerful because of their possession of nuclear weapons,” Pollack said.
Russian President Vladimir Putin and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian sit with their delegations during a meeting on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Summit in Tianjin, China on September 1, 2025. | Alexander KAZAKOV / POOL / AFP via Getty Images
Russian President Vladimir Putin and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian sit with their delegations during a meeting on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Summit in Tianjin, China on September 1, 2025. | Alexander KAZAKOV / POOL / AFP via Getty Images
Russia also has greater geopolitical weight on the international stage. It is a permanent member of the U.S. Security Council and, therefore, has veto power. Its veto power allows it to block key resolutions and significantly influence international decisions. Iran, on the other hand, is not a permanent member.
While a member of the United Nations, Iran can participate in UN Security Council discussions only when the Council decides that its interests are affected, and it does so without a vote.
Russia and Iran’s votes in UN General Assembly resolutions over the years have largely been aligned. This doesn’t imply equal standing. While they frequently support each other internationally, Russia wields greater influence in global affairs due to its larger military, permanent seat on the UN Security Council, larger economy, and nuclear arsenal.
However, their ongoing diplomatic efforts suggest a growing strategic partnership that withstands Western sanctions and criticisms directed at either nation.
This cooperation extends beyond diplomatic alignment. Although Russia is a major power with its own prerogatives, it has still made attempts to support Iran in previous conflicts.
Russia and Iran’s Military Cooperation
Russia and Iran’s modern military cooperation dates back to the Syrian Civil War in 2015. After a series of high-level meetings between the two countries in which they created a coordinated strategy to support the Assad regime. The visit sparked dialogue between Moscow and Tehran and led to a bilateral agreement on military-technical cooperation.
It was the first time in 15 years that a Russian defense minister made an official visit to Iran. In that same month, Russia launched its first airstrikes in Syria. Five months later, Moscow and Tehran coordinated covert military operations in Syria, leading to a growing presence of Russian military hardware and personnel on the ground.
In September of that year, Moscow announced the Baghdad Information Center, a joint operation involving Russia, Iran, Iraq, and Syria. According to a military-diplomatic source in Moscow, it was established to coordinate intelligence efforts against the Islamic State and oversee operations near the Syrian-Iraqi border.
The next significant moment of cooperation was following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
Russia and Iran’s military partnership is still actively unfolding. Reuters reported in February 2026 that Iran and Russia had agreed to a secret arms deal worth $589 million, involving the procurement of thousands of shoulder-fired missiles from Russia. Russia committed to delivering man-portable “Verba” launch units and 2,500 “9M336” missiles over three years. Only a month earlier, evidence emerged showing Iran possessed six Russian Mi-28 attack helicopters (ordered back in 2023).
Russia has provided helicopters to Iran, yet there’s still hesitancy with providing more advanced weapons from their arsenal.
“The Russians have provided some kinds of military technology—helicopters, for example, to the Iranians, some aircraft equipment—but they haven't provided some of the most advanced surface-to-air missiles that they have in their arsenal, which suggests that there is some reticence there about providing that kind of technology,” Grieco said.
The Ukraine War:
Extending Arms
Russia and Iran’s relationship changed significantly during the Ukraine War.
Iran’s primary support to Russia has been through the sharing of Shahed drones. In Aug. 2022, 6 months after the start of the war, Russia received its first shipment of combat drones from Iran. Russia relied on them to replenish its rapidly declining supply of air and sea-launched cruise missiles which depended on a shrinking stock of imported electric components. Due to Western sanctions, those electronic parts became harder to obtain, resulting in Russia’s reliance on the Shahed drones as they are much cheaper and easier to manufacture.
Iran’s drone technology gave Tehran an opportunity to prove its value to Russia. Kendall-Taylor said, “When Russia invaded Ukraine, Iran saw an opportunity to increase its leverage in that partnership. They became a much more valuable partner to Russia. And so the provision of drones was a way to prove the value of that relationship.”
Iran’s support through drone technology has ultimately strengthened Russia’s military capabilities while also deepening their strategic partnership.
Russia’s economic, diplomatic, and military power seemingly made it the unquestionable senior partner in the relationship. “But after Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022 and became highly dependent on drones to fight its war, there, we saw a dramatic reversal, something that I think many people believe they would never see in their lifetime, which is that Iran went from being a purchaser of Russian military equipment to Russia, becoming a purchaser of Iranian military equipment, specifically in the realm of drones,” Pollack said.
The Shahed drones had a pivotal role in striking Ukrainian civilians and military targets. Russia and Eurasia defense and security issues expert Dara Massicot explains that the drones are inflicting serious damage on Ukraine's critical infrastructure, essential systems and facilities that are necessary for the country to function, while placing strain on their defenses.
While the drones provided Russia with an immediate military advantage on the battlefield, their significance strengthened their relationship. Iran’s support became valuable because it advanced Russia’s larger strategic objective in sustaining its war effort in Ukraine.
Russia: Eye on the Prize
Russia originally envisioned the war in Ukraine to be a 10-day-long blitzkrieg. However, as the full-scale invasion prolonged into a multi-year war, Russia has recalibrated its political and strategic priorities.
Russia’s strategic documents are cautious in their language, never explicitly acknowledging that the war in Ukraine takes utmost precedence. However, much can be inferred based on their actions.
For instance, Russia’s aggressive prioritization of the war in Ukraine can be substantiated through its sweeping economic mobilization. When Russia launched its invasion of Ukraine in 2022, military expenditures accounted for roughly 12.9% of its government spending. Three years later, that figure has surged to 19.8%, outpacing the defense expenditures of its partners China and Iran.
Collateral damage is another relevant factor. In a piece published by the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Russian forces have suffered nearly 1.2 million casualties since February 2022, exceeding any major power in any conflict since World War II. That Moscow has sustained this conflict—despite rapidly depleting its forces and equipment—is a strong indicator of how central the war in Ukraine has become to its national agenda.
President Vladimir Putin has long endorsed this stance, most notably declaring in his 2005 State of the Nation address that the collapse of the Soviet Union was “the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the century.”
He reiterates this viewpoint in a 2021 essay published on the Kremlin’s website, asserting that Russians and Ukrainians “were one people,” and how the separation that has widened between them over the decades is “our great common misfortune and tragedy.”
Taken together, these statements offer insight into Putin’s hierarchy of priorities and personal investment in reversing what he frames as a profound national setback. This sentiment has only intensified since the war in Iran began.
Iran's Role in Russia's Military Strategy
When Iran stepped in to bolster a depleted Russia’s battlefield capabilities, it encouraged Moscow to double down on its full-scale invasion. Within years of receiving blueprints for Iran’s Shahed drones, Russia had developed its own manufacturing infrastructure, building self-sufficient factories to produce drones at an accelerated rate.
According to a CNN report drawing on political analysts and intelligence officials, an estimated 90% of Iranian-designed drones used in Russia’s military operations are now manufactured domestically within Russia. What was once an exclusively Iranian-sourced product has now proliferated to Russia and even North Korea.
“They’ve essentially severed that dependency on Iran,” Grieco said, “and they did that very quickly, which I think is telling of something about the nature of the relationship.”
Russia has also modified the Shahed drones based on its battlefield experience.
However, a year later, when Tehran found itself in conflict with the United States, Russia completely reversed its stance during the Twelve-Day War. Iran was backed into a corner after a joint American-Israeli military attack inflicted widespread damage on its military and defense infrastructure. When Tehran retaliated by closing the Strait of Hormuz, Russia backed Iran with its upgraded, unjammable drones and imagery from spy satellites.
Nevertheless, while Moscow appears to be reciprocating Tehran’s support at a critical juncture—after largely remaining passive throughout the Twelve-Day War—it’s plausible to assume that Russia’s engagement is driven by its own transactional self-interest, as its eyes are keenly set on Ukraine.
To preface, it’s important to recognize that Putin neither engineered the war in Iran nor intervened with Tehran to close the Strait of Hormuz, which forestalls commercial shipping at the world’s most important oil transit chokepoint. Still, the conflict has had positive ramifications for Russia’s military and economic standing.
For one, it redirects U.S. military attention away from the war in Ukraine. Grieco emphasizes the significance of this, as it further exhausts American resources and capabilities.
“The more that [America is] using Patriot interceptors up in the Middle East to defend U.S. forces and Gulf partners, fewer [interceptors] are going to be available for us to actually provide to Ukraine,” she said.
Furthermore, the closure of the Strait of Hormuz further compounds pre-existing resource shortages. As European energy supplies tighten, it threatens the resources and capabilities of countries that have pledged their support for Ukraine throughout the war.
Russia, meanwhile, can capitalize on surging petroleum prices, its primary export, and use that revenue to recuperate and rebuild its currently battered military. In an interview with CNBC, Sergey Vakulenko, senior fellow at the Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center, noted that Russia’s crude oil profits have postponed planned cuts to state spending.
Taking this into account, it wouldn’t be a stretch to presume that Russia would welcome a prolonged conflict, potentially capitalizing on Tehran’s increasing dependence on Moscow.
“There’s no question the Russians are benefiting from this war,” Pollack said. “I think if it were up to them, they’d love to see this war go on as long as possible.”
Up in the Air
Future military cooperation between Russia and Iran could involve a direct attempt to address Iran’s frustration over a lack of reciprocity. The transfer of military technology back to Iran alleviates some frustration, but overall, Russia’s objectives are the ones being advanced through this exchange.
Though Russia did not apparently have a direct role in causing Iran’s conflict in the Middle East and its closure of the Strait. These events are an unexpected and supplementary advantage that Russia might wish to see persist. The diversion of U.S. attention and resources from Ukraine provides an indirect benefit to Russia.
Iran’s reliance on Russian military assistance positions Russia as a crucial supporter, while enabling it to capitalize on regional instability. “From Iran’s point of view, what I would stress is that a lot of its future actions are going to be driven by weakness. It is a country that has had to destroy its economy. Its military was never strong and is now much weaker,” said Byman.
An extended conflict in Iran would only continue to benefit Russia’s objective in Ukraine. Iran would act as an agent of chaos, deterring the United States’ attention and resources away from Ukraine. Should Russia pursue this advantage, it could lean harder on its disdain for Western dominance. The greater implication lies in the realization that this asymmetric relationship can shift the balance on the international scale, exercising a greater geopolitical influence that could lend itself to proving Russia’s capability as a greater threat.
Authors
Photo Credits
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Composite image of the following: (Left) Soldiers from Iran’s army, navy, air force, and special forces parade on the occasion of National Army Day in Tehran on April 18, 2025. | Fatemeh Bahrami/Anadolu via Getty Images (Center)Russian President Vladimir Putin and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian sign a strategic partnership treaty during a ceremony following their talks at the Kremlin in Moscow on January 17, 2025. | Evgenia Novozhenina/POOL/AFP via Getty Images (Right) Russian military officers and cadets who gather for the rehearsals of the May 9 Red Square Military Parade, on May 4, 2026, in Moscow. | Contributor via Getty Images. (Drawings) Drawing of a Shahed 136/Geran 2 drone. The depicted aircraft features Russian markings of drone “726,” as recovered in Ukraine. | Alexpl via Wikimedia Commons. (Map) © Mapbox, © OpenStreetMap.
Composite image of the following: (Left) Soldiers from Iran’s army, navy, air force, and special forces parade on the occasion of National Army Day in Tehran on April 18, 2025. | Fatemeh Bahrami/Anadolu via Getty Images (Center)Russian President Vladimir Putin and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian sign a strategic partnership treaty during a ceremony following their talks at the Kremlin in Moscow on January 17, 2025. | Evgenia Novozhenina/POOL/AFP via Getty Images (Right) Russian military officers and cadets who gather for the rehearsals of the May 9 Red Square Military Parade, on May 4, 2026, in Moscow. | Contributor via Getty Images. (Drawings) Drawing of a Shahed 136/Geran 2 drone. The depicted aircraft features Russian markings of drone “726,” as recovered in Ukraine. | Alexpl via Wikimedia Commons. (Map) © Mapbox, © OpenStreetMap.
Smoke rises after a reported Israeli strike on a building used by Islamic Republic of Iran News Network, part of Iran’s state TV broadcaster, on June 16, 2025, in Tehran. | Stringer via Getty Images
Smoke rises after a reported Israeli strike on a building used by Islamic Republic of Iran News Network, part of Iran’s state TV broadcaster, on June 16, 2025, in Tehran. | Stringer via Getty Images
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov shakes hands with Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi during a joint press conference following talks in Moscow on April 18, 2025. | Tatyana Makeyeva/POOL/AFP via Getty Images
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov shakes hands with Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi during a joint press conference following talks in Moscow on April 18, 2025. | Tatyana Makeyeva/POOL/AFP via Getty Images
Chinese President Xi Jinping, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, and Russian President Vladimir Putin arrive for a reception in Beijing following a military parade marking the 80th anniversary of victory over Japan and the end of World War II, on September 3, 2025. | Sergey Bobylev/RIA Novosti/Anadolu via Getty Images
Chinese President Xi Jinping, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, and Russian President Vladimir Putin arrive for a reception in Beijing following a military parade marking the 80th anniversary of victory over Japan and the end of World War II, on September 3, 2025. | Sergey Bobylev/RIA Novosti/Anadolu via Getty Images
Russian President Vladimir Putin and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian sit with their delegations during a meeting on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Summit in Tianjin, China on September 1, 2025. | Alexander KAZAKOV / POOL / AFP via Getty Images
Russian President Vladimir Putin and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian sit with their delegations during a meeting on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Summit in Tianjin, China on September 1, 2025. | Alexander KAZAKOV / POOL / AFP via Getty Images
Smoke rises above opposition-held areas of Daraa, Syria during airstrikes by Syrian regime forces on June 26, 2018. | Mohamad ABAZEED / AFP via Getty Images
Smoke rises above opposition-held areas of Daraa, Syria during airstrikes by Syrian regime forces on June 26, 2018. | Mohamad ABAZEED / AFP via Getty Images
Russian President Vladimir Putin delivers an address during his visit to Khmeimim Air Base in Latakia, Syria on December 11, 2017. | Kremlin Press Office/Handout/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images
Russian President Vladimir Putin delivers an address during his visit to Khmeimim Air Base in Latakia, Syria on December 11, 2017. | Kremlin Press Office/Handout/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images
Russian Air Force Mil Mi-8 and Kamov Ka-52 "Alligator" attack helicopters fly during the annual Army Games defense technology international exhibition. | Leonid Faerberg/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
Russian Air Force Mil Mi-8 and Kamov Ka-52 "Alligator" attack helicopters fly during the annual Army Games defense technology international exhibition. | Leonid Faerberg/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
A view of the destruction as Ukrainian soldiers from a drone unit tasked with mining the grey zone between the Ukrainian front and Russian lines prepare to go to the city of Pokrovsk, Ukraine on May 27, 2025. | Jose Colon/Anadolu via Getty Images
A view of the destruction as Ukrainian soldiers from a drone unit tasked with mining the grey zone between the Ukrainian front and Russian lines prepare to go to the city of Pokrovsk, Ukraine on May 27, 2025. | Jose Colon/Anadolu via Getty Images
Russian President Vladimir Putin visits the 344th Army Aviation Centre of aircrews combat training and transition in Torzhok in the Tver region of Russia on March 27, 2024. | Sergei KARPUKHIN / POOL / AFP via Getty Images
Russian President Vladimir Putin visits the 344th Army Aviation Centre of aircrews combat training and transition in Torzhok in the Tver region of Russia on March 27, 2024. | Sergei KARPUKHIN / POOL / AFP via Getty Images
Cadets of the Iranian Army Ground Forces Officer Academy take part in a ceremony marking the 47th anniversary of the victory of Iran’s Islamic Revolution at the shrine of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in the Behesht-e Zahra cemetery in southern Tehran, on February 1, 2026. | Morteza Nikoubazl/NurPhoto via Getty Images
Cadets of the Iranian Army Ground Forces Officer Academy take part in a ceremony marking the 47th anniversary of the victory of Iran’s Islamic Revolution at the shrine of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in the Behesht-e Zahra cemetery in southern Tehran, on February 1, 2026. | Morteza Nikoubazl/NurPhoto via Getty Images
This photo obtained by AFP from the Iranian news agency Tasnim shows an Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) boat allegedly taking part in an operation to seize ships attempting to cross the Strait of Hormuz, on April 21, 2026. | Meysam Mirzadeh / TASNIM NEWS/AFP via Getty Images
This photo obtained by AFP from the Iranian news agency Tasnim shows an Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) boat allegedly taking part in an operation to seize ships attempting to cross the Strait of Hormuz, on April 21, 2026. | Meysam Mirzadeh / TASNIM NEWS/AFP via Getty Images
Satellite view of the Strait of Hormuz, a critical chokepoint for global energy supply, connecting the Persian Gulf to the Gulf of Oman. | Gallo Images/Orbital Horizon/Copernicus Sentinel Data 2025 via Getty Images
Satellite view of the Strait of Hormuz, a critical chokepoint for global energy supply, connecting the Persian Gulf to the Gulf of Oman. | Gallo Images/Orbital Horizon/Copernicus Sentinel Data 2025 via Getty Images
A storage tank at the Enagas SA liquid natural gas (LNG) storage and distribution facility at the port of Barcelona, on December 31, 2025. | Angel Garcia/Bloomberg via Getty Images
A storage tank at the Enagas SA liquid natural gas (LNG) storage and distribution facility at the port of Barcelona, on December 31, 2025. | Angel Garcia/Bloomberg via Getty Images
A plume of smoke rises after a strike on the Iranian capital Tehran, on March 3, 2026. | Atta Kenare/AFP via Getty Images
A plume of smoke rises after a strike on the Iranian capital Tehran, on March 3, 2026. | Atta Kenare/AFP via Getty Images
Special Thanks:
Story: Gina Kim
Video: Michael Kohler
Audio: David Lotfi
Data: Jaehyun Han with Shannon Yeung
Editorial: Marla Hiller
